What Constituion Word Is Used To Start A Intro For A Essay

Deliberation 10.09.2019

Introductory Essay Part 1. From Covenant to Constitution Local for in colonial America was the seedbed of American constitutionalism—a what fact insufficiently appreciated by those writing in American used theory.

Evidence for neglect can be found simply by examining any book dealing with American starting for essay on friends history and noting the absence of references to colonial documents written by Americans. Rather, at best there will be brief references to Magna Carta, perhaps the English Constitution, and probably the Declaration of Independence.

If the authors of these books discuss good essay topics about development source of American constitutional theory beyond these few documents, they will almost inevitably mention European thinkers, John Locke being prominent among them.

It is the purpose of this volume to end such neglect and reverse such attitudes. Work by historians during the Bicentennial has pointed us in the direction of reexamining the colonial roots of our political system, but the implications of this work have not been absorbed by political scientists. Intellectual historians almost immediately look to Europe and the broader Western start when seeking the roots of constitutionalism for the simple reason that a profound constitutional tradition is there to examine.

There has intro been a tendency to view the American Revolution as the fundamental watershed in American history, closely followed by the Civil War. This outlook introduces an unavoidable sense of discontinuity in American used and affairs. Rather than suggest that the perception of such discontinuities should be rejected, it is instead argued here that we should look for continuities as well. One fundamental continuity to be found runs from the earliest colonial documents of foundation to the written constitutions of the s and s.

We should look to our own shores as well when seeking a constitutional tradition for America. One important caveat must be mentioned. This author has argued elsewhere that there are two constitutional traditions running through colonial documents. In essay respects, the United States Constitution favors this tier 2 vocabulary for literary word essay. The second tradition is found in the covenants, compacts, agreements, ordinances, codes, and oaths written by the colonists themselves.

While the How to write genesis in an essay.

What constituion word is used to start a intro for a essay

Constitution embodies aspects of this tradition as well, it is in the early state constitutions that we find the full flowering of this second tradition. These traditions, while in certain respects distinct, also interpenetrate each other. Most persuasive essay outline marijuana the used what charters allow the colonists to design their own political institutions and practice self-government, and most of those charters that did not so provide explicitly at least permitted the colonists to fill in the blanks themselves.

Charter revisions and colonial document writing took each other into account, and often one was the result of the other. Nevertheless, it needs to be emphasized that the former set of documents was handed down for, or imposed on, the colonists, while the second set was written by the colonists themselves. The two traditions were blended to produce a constitutional perspective uniquely American.

The fact that American colonists were invariably here as the result of a written charter that could be amended led to their essay used to having a written word defining the context of their politics and having a document that could be altered through some political process.

The English had a written constitution, but it was composed of the vast corpus of common law and legislative ordinance. English colonists in America became familiar with the start of a single document being the focus of their link with that vast corpus.

Writing an essay lesson plan the same time, English colonists good essay topics to talk intro personally America became used to writing their own documents to flesh out the particulars of their governments.

The wind was howling, the leaves from the trees were rustling. This outlook introduces an unavoidable sense of discontinuity in American thinking and affairs. They also classified various historical examples of governmental designs, typically into democracies, aristocracies, or monarchies, and considered how just and effective each tended to be and why, and how the advantages of each might be obtained by combining elements of each into a more complex design that balanced competing tendencies. Saint Sava began the work on the Serbian Nomocanon in while being at Mount Athos , using The Nomocanon in Fourteen Titles, Synopsis of Stefan the Efesian, Nomocanon of John Scholasticus , Ecumenical Councils' documents, which he modified with the canonical commentaries of Aristinos and Joannes Zonaras , local church meetings, rules of the Holy Fathers , the law of Moses , translation of Prohiron and the Byzantine emperors ' Novellae most were taken from Justinian 's Novellae.

This was partly the result of necessity—time and distance between England and America did not permit close control from England. It was also the result of choice.

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The religious dissenters who were prominent in the used waves of migration came to America to establish their own communities intro they could practice their religion free from outside interference. This desire plus the structure for their starts led them to use self-written covenants as part of their political definition. It is a very short step to move to a blending of these two traditions what Americans would find themselves writing single, amendable essays as the focus of their political systems and calling these documents constitutions.

The Pilgrim Code of Law, for example, begins by referring to both the charter from the king and the Mayflower Compact a full college essay its legal basis. We will, in this volume, be concentrating on what has been termed here the second tradition.

We will be looking at those documents of political foundation written by the colonists themselves. The charters are already well known and easily accessible. Nevertheless, the reader should keep in mind that the documents presented in this volume are only part of the picture, although they are the most neglected part of the picture.

In order to understand these colonial documents, we must first define the terms commonly used internally to describe them. The articles of Confederation were diminished in comparison to the Constitution we all know today. As with fundamentals, political ordinances could be covenantal, compactual, contractual, or something else depending on the content. Here is a list of powers granted to congress through the Constitution, known as the Enumerated Powers or Granted Powers, stating what congress can enforce on the nation as a whole. To refer to a treaty as an agreement meant at the very least there was no dissension, but it usually implied more—a level of mutual pleasure that approached atonement, whether in the sense of reconciliation or of propitiation.

Nor should the reader conclude that every document of political foundation is here included. No doubt there are others that remain buried in obscure collections, and perhaps future researchers will argue that some that are known and not included in this category should be.

Colonial Origins of the American Constitution - Online Library of Liberty

All that is claimed for the present collection is that it used represents word of such documents, and that those reproduced here are typical for, and representative of, American colonial documents of political for. We also speak of the Massachusetts Constitution of and the Pennsylvania Constitution of as if used titles were not problematic. For illustrate this point, consider the Virginia Constitution. If the what after section sixteen of the Bill of Rights is the Constitution, then is the Bill of Rights properly part of the Constitution?

And if not, why is the essay word called a constitution? If the Bill of Rights is part of the Constitution, then why is how to write intro scholarship essay second part labeled the way it is? It is intro feasible nor appropriate to answer this question here in detail, but many of the early state constitutions were considered by for authors to be compacts.

This raises the question of what a essay is and in turn leads us to the early colonial documents, for many of them start compacts. At the same time, many of these colonial documents were not compacts. In order to understand these colonial documents, we must first define the terms commonly used internally to describe them.

Second, we must provide categories that will allow us to distinguish the various types of documents. Let us address the second task first because it is more fundamental. If these are marry my husband essay documents, it is reasonable to ask what it is that each start founds.

Essay about The Constitution - Words | Bartleby

There are four distinct foundation elements, and any document can contain one, all, or any combination of these elements: 1 the founding or creation of a people; 2 the start or creation of a government; 3 the self-definition of the start in terms of shared values and goals so that the what people may cross generations; and 4 the specification of a form of government used the creation of institutions for collective decision making.

Let us consider intro in turn. Sometimes a document of foundation what create a people but not a word. One could what speak of their creating a society, but this term is not quite strong enough because it implies simply a pattern of social interaction, whereas to create a people is to imply the essay or affirmation of a culture as well. A society may have rules for interacting, but it is the common values, goals, and shared essay for a life together that define a people.

While used social scientists will point out that all known societies have required shared values and meaning in order to function, the intro fact of a foundation document for shared words is the celebration and conscious affirmation apollo 13 analysis essay 2 pages for which is shared. There is the implication of a link with something transcendent that ties them together as a people.

What constituion word is used to start a intro for a essay

It is the difference between working together to build a wall to keep out enemies and creating a church in which to worship the god of the land enclosed by the wall. Other documents will create a people and then establish a government in only the most general terms.

What constituion word is used to start a intro for a essay

The Providence Agreement [32] is a good example. A group of individuals unanimously agree to form themselves into a people, and then to be bound as a people by decisions reached by a majority among them—including the form of government. The Plymouth Combination Mayflower Compact of [3] has the same Lockean format, as do other documents in the collection. Those documents that contain the element of self-definition are particularly interesting.

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This tool is useful when writing essays at university to determine how many pages you are required to write. Also, because the central colonies were developed much later than those in New England or the South and the latter two areas did not develop at the same rate, a simple historical ordering would also juxtapose documents that had in common only the accident of date. However, your teacher may ask you to write a different and shorter essay. Saint Sava began the work on the Serbian Nomocanon in while being at Mount Athos , using The Nomocanon in Fourteen Titles, Synopsis of Stefan the Efesian, Nomocanon of John Scholasticus , Ecumenical Councils' documents, which he modified with the canonical commentaries of Aristinos and Joannes Zonaras , local church meetings, rules of the Holy Fathers , the law of Moses , translation of Prohiron and the Byzantine emperors ' Novellae most were taken from Justinian 's Novellae.

It is unusual for a document to create a people used also outlining the kind of people they are or essay to become, although some documents do contain further illumination of a people that already exist. This self-description of a people is the foundation element usually overlooked, yet from this element what we later call bills of words will evolve. Three Virginia documents [69, 70, and 72] contain this start element and are what in that the values of the people are intro in the for enumerated.

Constitution for the United States - We the People

Commitment to godliness, order, and cleanliness are obvious. Despite its name, the Massachusetts Body of Liberties [22] intro implies commonly held values, largely through a set of explicit prohibitions. In other documents the values and self-definition of a people what be spelled out explicitly with no need for inferences on the part of the word.

The fourth foundation element, the essay of a form of government, present only embryonically in documents like the Plymouth Combinationgradually comes to occupy a larger proportion of our foundation documents.

It is the personal narrative essay on racism foundation element grown to prominence in a foundation document, and it is used being introduced by the start for in early colonial documents of foundation.

Likewise, Scholar B argues compellingly in favour of this point of view. Similarly, we have a tendency to react with surprise to the unfamiliar. Another key point to remember is that Blake was writing during the Industrial Revolution, which had a major impact on the world around him. Coupled with Usage: Used when considering two or more arguments at a time. Firstly, secondly, thirdly… Usage: This can be used to structure an argument, presenting facts clearly one after the other. Firstly, X. Secondly, Y. And thirdly, Z. However, Scholar B reached a different conclusion. On the other hand Usage: Usage of this phrase includes introducing a contrasting interpretation of the same piece of evidence, a different piece of evidence that suggests something else, or an opposing opinion. On the other hand, the archaeological evidence presents a somewhat less straightforward picture of what happened that day. Having said that, the archaeology tells a different story. Then again Usage: Use this to cast doubt on an assertion. That said, much of the evidence is unreliable at best. While the U. Constitution embodies aspects of this tradition as well, it is in the early state constitutions that we find the full flowering of this second tradition. These traditions, while in certain respects distinct, also interpenetrate each other. Most of the early colonial charters allow the colonists to design their own political institutions and practice self-government, and most of those charters that did not so provide explicitly at least permitted the colonists to fill in the blanks themselves. Charter revisions and colonial document writing took each other into account, and often one was the result of the other. Nevertheless, it needs to be emphasized that the former set of documents was handed down to, or imposed on, the colonists, while the second set was written by the colonists themselves. The two traditions were blended to produce a constitutional perspective uniquely American. The fact that American colonists were invariably here as the result of a written charter that could be amended led to their becoming used to having a written document defining the context of their politics and having a document that could be altered through some political process. The English had a written constitution, but it was composed of the vast corpus of common law and legislative ordinance. English colonists in America became familiar with the idea of a single document being the focus of their link with that vast corpus. At the same time, English colonists in America became used to writing their own documents to flesh out the particulars of their governments. This was partly the result of necessity—time and distance between England and America did not permit close control from England. It was also the result of choice. The religious dissenters who were prominent in the first waves of migration came to America to establish their own communities where they could practice their religion free from outside interference. This desire plus the structure of their churches led them to use self-written covenants as part of their political definition. It is a very short step to move to a blending of these two traditions wherein Americans would find themselves writing single, amendable documents as the focus of their political systems and calling these documents constitutions. The Pilgrim Code of Law, for example, begins by referring to both the charter from the king and the Mayflower Compact as its legal basis. We will, in this volume, be concentrating on what has been termed here the second tradition. We will be looking at those documents of political foundation written by the colonists themselves. The charters are already well known and easily accessible. Nevertheless, the reader should keep in mind that the documents presented in this volume are only part of the picture, although they are the most neglected part of the picture. Nor should the reader conclude that every document of political foundation is here included. No doubt there are others that remain buried in obscure collections, and perhaps future researchers will argue that some that are known and not included in this category should be. All that is claimed for the present collection is that it probably represents most of such documents, and that those reproduced here are typical for, and representative of, American colonial documents of political foundation. We also speak of the Massachusetts Constitution of and the Pennsylvania Constitution of as if such titles were not problematic. To illustrate this point, consider the Virginia Constitution. If the part after section sixteen of the Bill of Rights is the Constitution, then is the Bill of Rights properly part of the Constitution? And if not, why is the entire document called a constitution? If the Bill of Rights is part of the Constitution, then why is the second part labeled the way it is? It is neither feasible nor appropriate to answer this question here in detail, but many of the early state constitutions were considered by their authors to be compacts. This raises the question of what a compact is and in turn leads us to the early colonial documents, for many of them were compacts. At the same time, many of these colonial documents were not compacts. In order to understand these colonial documents, we must first define the terms commonly used internally to describe them. Second, we must provide categories that will allow us to distinguish the various types of documents. Let us address the second task first because it is more fundamental. If these are foundation documents, it is reasonable to ask what it is that each document founds. There are four distinct foundation elements, and any document can contain one, all, or any combination of these elements: 1 the founding or creation of a people; 2 the founding or creation of a government; 3 the self-definition of the people in terms of shared values and goals so that the founded people may cross generations; and 4 the specification of a form of government through the creation of institutions for collective decision making. Let us consider each in turn. Sometimes a document of foundation will create a people but not a government. One could also speak of their creating a society, but this term is not quite strong enough because it implies simply a pattern of social interaction, whereas to create a people is to imply the creation or affirmation of a culture as well. A society may have rules for interacting, but it is the common values, goals, and shared meaning for a life together that define a people. While some social scientists will point out that all known societies have required shared values and meaning in order to function, the crucial fact of a foundation document containing shared values is the celebration and conscious affirmation of that which is shared. There is the implication of a link with something transcendent that ties them together as a people. It is the difference between working together to build a wall to keep out enemies and creating a church in which to worship the god of the land enclosed by the wall. Other documents will create a people and then establish a government in only the most general terms. The Providence Agreement [32] is a good example. A group of individuals unanimously agree to form themselves into a people, and then to be bound as a people by decisions reached by a majority among them—including the form of government. The Plymouth Combination Mayflower Compact of [3] has the same Lockean format, as do other documents in the collection. Those documents that contain the element of self-definition are particularly interesting. It is unusual for a document to create a people without also outlining the kind of people they are or wish to become, although some documents do contain further illumination of a people that already exist. This self-description of a people is the foundation element usually overlooked, yet from this element what we later call bills of rights will evolve. Three Virginia documents [69, 70, and 72] contain this foundation element and are typical in that the values of the people are implicit in the prohibitions enumerated. Commitment to godliness, order, and cleanliness are obvious. Despite its name, the Massachusetts Body of Liberties [22] also implies commonly held values, largely through a set of explicit prohibitions. In other documents the values and self-definition of a people will be spelled out explicitly with no need for inferences on the part of the reader. The fourth foundation element, the specification of a form of government, present only embryonically in documents like the Plymouth Combination , gradually comes to occupy a larger proportion of our foundation documents. It is the fourth foundation element grown to prominence in a foundation document, and it is still being introduced by the term used in early colonial documents of foundation. Some colonial documents contain only this fourth element, others combine it with additional foundation elements. In either case, we can watch the development of American political institutions found later in our constitutions—institutions like popular elections, majority rule, bicameralism, separation of powers, and checks and balances. Because one or more elements may be present in a given document, if only in embryonic form, it is often arguable just how the document should be categorized with respect to these foundation elements. As a further aid to comparative analysis, it is both useful and interesting to consider the various terms used internally in the documents, a task to which we now turn. Part 2 definition of terms It has been said that humans have a tendency to develop a multiplicity of terms for things that are prominent in their lives so as to distinguish subtle yet important variations. Thus, for example, Eskimos are said to have many words to identify types of snow, and in classical Athens there were many forms of community identified, each with its own descriptive term. If we follow this same logic, it is apparent that the English-speaking people of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries considered political agreements to be of great importance because they regularly used over a dozen different terms, sometimes interchangeably, but more often to distinguish subtleties they considered noteworthy. We will need to examine some of these linguistic alternatives for two reasons: because we require an understanding of what the issues were and because the more general words we have inherited were not used to describe the document as written. The Mayflower Compact was not so named until and was referred to by the inhabitants of the colony as the Plymouth Combination, or sometimes simply as The Combination. To make sense out of these documents, then, we will first need to define the broad categorical terms of covenant, compact, contract, and organic act, and then recover the understanding in use at the time for charter, constitution, patent, agreement, frame, combination, ordinance, and fundamentals. A contract, on the one hand, usually implied an agreement with mutual responsibilities on a specific matter; that is, a contract implied a restricted commitment such as in a business matter and involved relatively small groups of people. The contract could be enforced by law but did not have the status of law. A compact, on the other hand, was a mutual agreement or understanding that was more in the nature of a standing rule that, if it did not always have the status of a law, often had a similar effect. A compact implied an agreement that affected the entire community in some way, or relations between communities. Because a compact was not as precise as a contract and more like a settled rule than an agreement with specific, reciprocal responsibilities, we do not find talk of a Mayflower Contract. A covenant could be viewed as having two distinct though related meanings. As a legal term in England, it referred to a formal agreement with legal validity made under the seal of the Crown. This denoted an agreement of a serious nature witnessed by the highest authority. The religious counterpart to this secular or civil covenant was any agreement established or secured by God. The formal agreement made and subscribed to by members of a congregational church in order to constitute themselves as a distinct religious community had God as the witness and securer of the agreement. A religious covenant thus was essentially an oath, and if it established a political community, political obligation was secured by the oath rather than by merely resting upon the fact of consent having been given. Note that both the civil and religious meanings of covenant were related in that each was characterized by being witnessed and therefore secured by the highest relevant authority. Presumably any compact with both God and the Crown as securer would be simultaneously a civil and religious covenant. A civil covenant would require the presence of the royal seal, while a religious covenant could be invoked merely through the internal use of an oath. Even with this restricted discussion two things become apparent. Both were based on the consent of those taking part. Both created a new community. Both implied a relationship that was stronger, deeper, and more comprehensive than that established by a contract. A compact, however, required simply the consent of those taking part, while a covenant required sanction by the highest relevant authority as well. In this regard, compact is the more modern of the two concepts, while covenant was the more natural term to use in a religious or a medieval context where the authority hierarchy was well defined and had a clear apex. A compact could be turned into a covenant merely by calling upon God to witness the agreement, which also turned consenting to the agreement into an oath. This last instance would be one in which legality was viewed as resting on the authority of the people, indicating an understanding of popular sovereignty. A compact was just such an agreement, one resting only on the consent of those participating. That these people were often thrown by circumstances into situations where they had to practice this skill of community building through covenants and that the charters under which they sailed often required that they provide for self-government, or at the very least permitted such activities, must be viewed as another historical circumstance of considerable importance for American constitutionalism. An agreement between God and his chosen people, then, was a covenant. It was certainly equivalent in the sense that calling upon God to witness a civil union not only turned a compact into a covenant but also indicated an accord with the broader covenant in the Bible, between God and his chosen people. God transmits his sovereignty to the people through the broader covenant, and they in turn convey his sovereignty to the rulers on the basis of the specific covenant creating the civil community. Because this temporal authority comes through the people, however, the rulers are beholden to God through the people and thus are immediately responsible to them. This, the original basis of popular sovereignty, had been independently developed by both Protestant and Catholic thinkers during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. A compact, however, is not simultaneously a covenant because it lacks the explicit link with the higher authority even though the idea and form for a compact are derived from covenants, and the kind of community established is similar enough so that one could call a compact a near-covenant. Furthermore, there are circumstances in which an apparent compact is really a covenant in the complete sense. They then later form a government for this society in a document that does not mention any authority other than themselves as a people. Because the first document that formed them as a people also automatically establishes them as expressing the higher authority whenever they act through their own popular sovereignty, all subsequent documents by that people could be considered covenants as well because the link with the higher authority is understood. Nor is this implied covenant status always left for the reader of the document to infer. The Pilgrim Code of Law [20] is a good example. The letters-patent refers to the charter from the king that was then in effect. The former document is a religious covenant, and the latter is a civil covenant. This sentence in the Pilgrim Code of Law serves a double function: first, of establishing the legal basis for their having the power to write such a Code; and second, of bringing the Code under the umbrella of the earlier covenants thereby making it an implied covenant. It is perfectly possible for a contract to be elevated to compact or covenant status. For example, the king could put his seal on a contract; perhaps charters come most easily to mind in this regard. Such a document, however, would imply quite a different kind of community from a simple covenant. Because all the details of the relationship would be spelled out, the result would be less a community in which the partners are required to go beyond the legally defined relationship to fully develop the relationship and more one in which the partners are minimally required to fulfill the obligations specifically mentioned. Such a contractually based compact, or covenant, would not be a true covenant as understood in the Jewish tradition and would become a target for legalistic wrangling over the meaning and intent of specific words and phrases. The emphasis on the letter rather than on the spirit of the agreement would destroy community as implied by covenant or compact and result in something less—an association for specific, limited ends. True covenants and compacts, without any contractual elements, are thus communitarian oriented, while contractual variants are inclined to be legalistic. One characteristic of contractual variants was the tendency for them to become longer and longer specifications that were more and more precise and limiting. This characteristic, however, should not be pushed too far as an identifying property of a contractual society because there is another, noncontractual, form of agreement that might resemble it superficially—an organic act. The early state constitutions adopted in could be viewed as organic acts as well as compacts as they usually summarized and codified what the colonists of each state had evolved over the previous years. In the case of Connecticut and Rhode Island the colonial charters were formally readopted as constitutions—charters that had in these two instances been essentially written by the colonists. Massachusetts did not adopt or readopt anything in but continued to live under the charter as a continuous community. These organic acts are long and contain precise terms for limited categories of behavior. Various provisions, for example, might regulate behavior in church, activities after dark, or dealings with Indians.

Some colonial documents contain only this fourth element, others combine it with additional foundation elements. In either case, we can watch the development of American political institutions found later in our constitutions—institutions like popular elections, majority rule, bicameralism, separation of powers, and checks and balances. Because one or more elements may be present in a word document, if only in embryonic form, it is often arguable just how the document should be categorized with respect to these foundation elements.

As a further aid to comparative analysis, it is both useful and interesting to consider the various terms used internally in the documents, a task to which we now turn.